1999: New Media Revolution in Seattle

The internet and digital media played an important role in facilitating the organization and coverage of the transnational, multi-issue protests during the 3rd WTO Ministerial Conference held in Seattle (November 29 to December 2nd, 1999).  The internet networked local NGOs, citizens, and grass-roots activists into a global, transnational network by facilitating new channels for action, and discourse of public policies.  Using the internet activists operated at local, regional and global levels, ultimately facilitating global connectedness while at the same time strengthening local ties (Juris).  “The technical possibilities of cyberspace make innovative forms of large-scale direct democracy practical,” thereby building political alternatives and regionally coordinating local assemblies (Juris, 205).  In other words, big groups of people of different backgrounds and goals can organize themselves to protest what symbolizes the cause of their discontent: the WTO and the globalization of the neo-liberal economic system.

Almeida, D and Lichbach M. "To the Internet, from the Internet: Comparative Media Coverage of Transnational Protests." Mobilization: An International Journal. 8(3): 249-272

Almeida, D and Lichbach M. "To the Internet, from the Internet: Comparative Media Coverage of Transnational Protests." Mobilization: An International Journal. 8(3): 249-272

Jeff rey M. Ayres. Framing Collective Action Against Neoliberalism. journal of world-systems research, x, 1, winter 2004, 11–34 Special Issue: Global Social Movements Before and After 9-11 http://jwsr.ucr.edu/

Organization of the Seattle protests made resistance to Washington Consensus-influenced globalization part of the public and mainstream media discourse. The movement that came to public prominence in Seattle is composed of a plurality of interests and issues and, thus, largely seen without a convenient, singular message, recommendation or universal goal.  In this respect the “anti-globalization” movement reflects reality, and the need for a convenient universal “handle,” the bounded consciousness of mainstream 20th century media.  The New Media revolution that occurred in Seattle exists beyond boundaries, and succeeded because it respected the plural interests of its composition, and did not seek to bound it within a convenient mainstream media message.

Beyond the production of alternative values, discourses and identities, however, contemporary anti-corporate globalization movements are perhaps best understood as social laboratories, generating new cultural practices and political imaginaries for a digital age (Juris, 206).

The internet and digital media also revolutionized the way coverage and documentation of actions occur, allowing activists and citizens to record and set their own media agenda:

While in the past activists had to rely on experts and the mass media to circulate their messages, largely due to high transaction costs and time constraints, they can now use new digital technologies to take on much of this work themselves, assuring greater control over the media production process, while enhancing the speed of information flow (Juris, 201).

Grass-roots media played an important role during the Seattle protests, providing coverage due to the dearth of mainstream coverage and an alternative to mainstream information. In one instance, the Independent Media Center provided contrary evidence to CNN’s claim that rubber bullets were not being used: indeed they were! The same alternative documentation and coverage mechanisms were used in future anti-neoliberal globalization movements.  During the 2003 G-8 Summit in Evian, France protesters attempted to block summit a delegate’s access to the meeting location by setting a rope across a bridge and hanging two people from each end.  The attempt proved unsuccessful when a police officer cut the rope, thereby clearing the way for delegates and causing one of attached people to plummet 100 feet (Update).  This incident (amongst others) is the metaphor that characterizes the conflict with protesters and global economic institutions, rights and neoliberalism: Economic profits are placed before the safety, security and interests of people.

Broad features that characterize anti-neoliberal globalization movements (Juris):

• Movement networks are locally rooted, but global in scope.  Coordinating and communicating through transnational networks, activists engage in institutional politics and global campaigns through global days of action, international forums, and cross-border information sharing.

• Activists think of themselves as belonging to global movements, discursively linking local activities to diverse struggles elsewhere.

• Large scale actions are informative.  The various protest tactics produce highly visible, theatrical images for mass media mediated consumption
• Movements are organized around a multiplicity of virtual and physical networks.

Large coordinating NGOs:

• http://www.globalexchange.org/
• http://www.citizen.org/trade/wto/
• http://www.thealliancefordemocracy.org/

Bibliography – New Media for Peace:

Sustained Neo-liberalism in Action: structurally adjusting your rights into austerity

In the early 1980’s, Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) emerged as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund’s (IMF’s) chief mechanism for improving the stability, efficiency, and growth of economies in developing countries.  SAPs are defined as the World Bank and IMF programs that provide monetary loans and debt relief to recipient countries based on conditionalities of macroeconomic and institutional reform. SAPs have largely failed to alleviate poverty, and have instead resulted in stagnant or weakened economies for the intended beneficiary nations.  This failure has resulted from one central weakness: the program’s disregard for the significance of the diverse social, economic, environmental, and cultural factors in recipient countries, as well as the vital importance of national commitment and ownership in determining the success of economic development and reform.

Though the program is targeted at solving the problems of developing countries, it is comprised of two economically powerful Western governments (USA and UK) and two global economic institutions that function under strong USA and UK influence. (Word Bank and the IMF).  This limited participation and tight control by ‘outsiders’ or ‘planners’ is central to the SAP program’s launch and remains a major factor throughout its implementation.

Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) achieve macroeconomic stability for First World countries at the expense of equity, human rights, capacity building, sovereignty and political justice in a debtor country (Rapley; Kroenick; Easterly; Sparr; Overseas Development Institute). SAPs, designed to reduce inflation, trade and budget deficits, thereby increasing a countries ability to attract development funds, connect the debtor country to the global marketplace, increasing its potential to import and export goods. Integrating a debtor country into the global marketplace using SAPs destabilizes the country’s economy by destroying local markets and forcing the country to use its economic resources to absolve itself of debt. SAP’s negative effects are worse felt in the poorest countries without emerging markets (Easterly; Rapley).

Entrenching market reforms based on “free market” principles, SAPs better protect the interests of First World donors than debtors by requiring: (a) debt repayment becomes a debtor country’s highest priority, often requiring new loans to pay old loans and (b) conformity and rapid conversion to an economic system dominated by First World countries (Kronick). The cost of improved import/export potential and participation in a market system friendly to export oriented industries is a reduction in government spending on social programs, ultimately “hindering human capital formation, [and] the development of the pool of skilled labor (Rapley, 82). Failure to empower a country’s poor “by giving them access to assets that will enable them to work their way out of poverty” jeopardizes equitable development gains for the population at large and dooms them to a culture of poverty (Williamson, 13).

Concurrent to superficial increases in GDP or stabilization of interest rates, and why SAPs fail to achieve intended results, are deepening of social injustices, decrease in the poor’s quality of life, destruction of pre-existing markets and worsening of the circumstances that contribute to a culture of poverty. (Kronick; Rapley; Easterly, ODI)

SAPs achievements are the lessons learned from their failure to create stability, efficiency, economic growth and lessen the culture of poverty’s burden:

• Low-income groups are put at risk and their access to education, health and other social assets are threatened by adjustment policies.
• A strong industrial base and the decision to enter the global marketplace must result from a country’s own social, cultural and economic decisions. First World nations dictating these conditions do not work.

SAPs in action: Case study – Ghana

• Playing Chicken: Ghana vs. the IMF
• Structural Adjustment has led to conflict in mining areas

SAPs in action: Case study – Jamaica

SAPs in Action: Case study – Chewa Ethnic Group

Chewa Rural Development

Alliance for Neo-liberalism: The foundation global resistence is built upon

Officially established in 1995 and part of the United Nations Secretariet, the idea for the WTO (then galled the GATT) originated in 1947 as part of the Bretton Woods Agreement that also established the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF). Like the IMF and World Bank, the WTO exerts influence beyond its mandate of international trade, expanding into intellectual property rights, investment measures, services and domestic regualtions (Wall, 25).  The same criticisms characterize the WTO, IMF and World Bank:

• Their rules are written primarily for large corporations to benefit their business interests.

• Advisory committees are made up of corporate interests, while groups representing environment, health, consumer and other social areas tend not to be represented.
• Dispute panels and other meetings are held in secret and those overseeing them are not screened for conflicts of interest.
• During secret meetings, a handful of rich countries make all the key decisions. Poor countries are often excluded from such decisions, and lack the resources to adequately analyze the decisions being made  (Wall 26).

The United Kingdom and United States’ belief in the free-market – perceived by them as the only solution to global economic problems – influenced the policies of the IMF, World Bank, and later, the WTO. This alliance amongst nations promoting a neo-liberal, free-market agenda, the IMF, World Bank and WTO is commonly referred to as the “Washington Consensus.”

http://www.seattlepi.com/wto/

Bibliography